Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelts America, Mussolinis Italy, and Hitlers Germany, 1933-1939

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What might seem to be a paradox is not actually one, as Fear Itself aspires to reconsider the New Deal from a transnational as well as a local perspective. Too often, he observes, historians lose sight of the extreme gloom in which the New Dealers found themselves. For Katznelson, democracy today would enjoy neither the same prestige nor the same legitimacy if the United States had not managed, in the s, to take up this challenge.

Considering the New Deal at these multiple levels gives Fear Itself undeniable historical depth and originality. It allows Katznelson, on the one hand, to better grasp the compromise forged between northern and southern Democrats from to at a time when there was an urgent need to ensure the continuity of political institutions, this compromise, according to Katznelson, constituted an inevitable renunciation, without which the legislature could no longer have operated.

Wolfgang Schivelbusch

On the other hand, the transnational perspective that Katznelson adopts complements other recent work on the reconfiguration of citizenship and freedom by showing the extent to which competition with the totalitarian powers influenced the minds of New Deal reformers, who, until now, have been analyzed in terms of purely domestic considerations, such as the urgency of the economic crisis, the solution to the social question, or the building of a federal government with a capacity to intervene that was adapted to twentieth-century economic and social issues.

That said, the use of fear as a foundational trait in conceptualizing the New Deal is not self-evident. First, it is not really compatible with the part of the book dealing with the South, in which the issue of fear vanishes and its place is taken by that of segregation.

Indeed, what drove the actions of Old South politicians was certainty, rather than its opposite.


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  8. It is also difficult to reconcile this fear with the isolationism that Roosevelt confronted throughout the s, which suggests that many Americans saw the threat to democracy as a European problem. But there were plenty of dangers at home and a continuing atrophy for liberal democracy abroad. Historians who have addressed this question have tended to be categorical.

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    These were fostered by the American right which, from Hoover to Reagan, has often compared the New Deal to fascism. Yet the United States never had the Black Shirts and the National Recovery Administration, which could be compared to policies in Fascist Italy, was declared unconstitutional in If there was a place in the United States where freedom was denied and where militias like the Ku Klux Klan used violence and lynching to preserve a racist and anti-democratic political order, with the support of a section of the working class that clung to a purified conception of the American people, it was the Old South.

    But southern elites did not need to march on Washington. They were already there. And Ira Katznelson demonstrates with brio the extent to which they managed to use this institutional position to direct, and ultimately slow down, the New Deal. If you want to discuss this essay further, you can send a proposal to the editorial team redaction at laviedesidees.

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    We will get back to you as soon as possible. It evokes the atmosphere of intellectual ferment and the reliance on experts that characterized the policies pursued beginning in Traditionally, southern sectionalism expressed itself in the defense of slavery, the opposition to tariffs, and, of course, the Civil War.

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    These works demonstrate the importance and extent of racial segregation in the North, as it relates to employment as well as residency. Kessler Harris and M. Vaudagna, eds. Norton, Dossier's Articles. A Summer Selection. He has cited Norbert Elias as one of his main influences and inspirations. Schivelbusch's book, Geschichte der Eisenbahnreise: zur Industrialisierung von Raum und Zeit im Per the publisher, "Schivelbusch discusses the ways in which our perceptions of distance, time, autonomy, speed, and risk were altered by railway travel.

    Additionally, as the railroad's network expanded and its reach lengthened, ever more distant places became newly and widely accessible. Subsequently, Schivelbusch describes two contradictory sides of the same process:. That in-between, or travel space, which it was possible to 'savor' while using the slow, work-intensive eotechnical form of transport, disappeared on the railroads. The railroad knows only points of departure and destination. The denizens of the nineteenth century, who were used to traveling by stagecoach or horseback and subsequently had time to "savor" their journey and contemplate the surrounding landscape , suddenly found themselves remarkably dissociated from their surroundings while sitting in a railcar.